Saturday, 20 September 2008

LETTERS PATENT RELATING TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL CHANGE

On 21 August 2008, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second, the Queen of Australia, approved of new Letters Patent relating to the Office of Governor-General. These Letters Patent revoke the Letters Patent dated 21 August 1984, as amended.

The changes generally feminise that document which makes sense given that the incumbent is now a woman.

That said, Kevin-O-Carbon - whose signature appears on the document by Her Majesty's Command - forgot to tell the Australian people. This is a quasi constitutional document and should have been given wide dissemination to the Australian people.

Kevin-O-Carbon's silent approach on constitutional issues is of major concern. While Kevin-O-Carbon is busy taxing us more for carbon emissions with one hand he will be busy altering the constitution with the other and without telling us!

Saturday, 5 April 2008

SUBMISSION TO THE AUSTRALIA 2020 SUMMIT

On 2 March 1986, Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II - in her capacity as Queen of Australia - signed a proclamation which brought both the Australia Act 1986 (Commonwealth) and Australia Act 1986 (United Kingdom) into operation in both the United Kingdom and throughout Australia on 3 March 1986.
While there has been some argument about the actual date of Australia’s complete sovereignty, there can be no doubt that it has been fully achieved since 3 March 1986 when Queen Elizabeth II signed the proclamation bringing both the Australia Acts into operation.
While this would be seen by most as the final step in achieving independence it overlooks the fact that no referendum was undertaken to ensure that the Australian people have exclusive and total supremacy over their collective constitutional documents.
The problematic section 15(1) of both the Australia Acts allows the Commonwealth Parliament - with the consent of all the State Parliaments - to amend or repeal the Statute of Westminster and both the Australia Acts.
This power could be abused sometime in the future in respect of Section 8 of the Statute of Westminster given the High Court decision in Port MacDonnell Professional Fishermen's Association Inc v South Australia (1989) 168 CLR 340 has put at rest any doubts as to the validity of the Australia Act 1986 (Commonwealth).   In the unanimous opinion of the court, s 51(xxxviii) of the Constitution should be given a broad interpretation reflecting its 'national purpose of a fundamental kind', which is that of 'plugging gaps which might otherwise exist in the overall plenitude of the legislative powers exercisable by the Commonwealth and State parliaments under the Constitution'.
If the 2020 Summit Governance Group does nothing else other than to recommend that Section 15(1) be repealed by referendum to ensure that the Statute of Westminster and both the Australia Acts can only be amended or repealed in accordance with Section 15(3) of both of the Australia Acts then it will have achieved a lot.
Such action will then ensure total sovereignty of the people over their constitutional documents.
In doing so, it will also prove to the Australian people that all our elected public servants remain subservient to the Australian community at all times as well as ensuring that our democracy is one of the best - if not the best - in the world.
No other constitutional change should be contemplated or undertaken until this proposal has been implemented by the Australian people!
The following quote from the late Richard McGarvie's book "Democracy; choosing Australia's republic" provides a profound summary: 'With the power from the Australia Acts, the Commonwealth Parliament, by Acts supported by the state Parliaments, can amend the Statute of Westminster that precludes it from amending the Commonwealth Constitution, the covering clauses or the preamble'.
Richard McGarvie was a former Supreme Court Judge and Governor of Victoria.
For further information on this subject read Is Our Constitution Safe?

Thursday, 13 September 2007

A PRIME MINISTER RUDD COULD REWRITE THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION WITHOUT A REFERENDUM

Much has been made of possible wall-to-wall Labor governments across Australia should the Labor Party win a majority of seats in the House of Representatives at the forthcoming Federal election. Some fear the possible increase in the GST which is currently set at 10%. Others have additional fears in respect of the Australian Constitution being legitimately changed without the holding of a referendum.

While any political mix of Federal and State Parliaments could accomplish the same thing, it is more likely for that to happen if all of the Federal and State Parliaments are controlled by a socialist conglomerate; the socialists are far more aggressive than the conservatives when making changes without consultation with the people!

But there is another aspect to this use of power.

It is also possible for an Act of the federal parliament to be passed at the request or with the concurrence of the six state parliaments to amend both the Australia Act 1986 (UK) and the Australia Act 1986 (Cwlth) to change Section 7 of both of those Acts relating to the powers and functions of Her Majesty and Governors in respect of the States so that the States could become republics.

No federal referendum would be required for this process; indeed, in 1999 all of the six states did exactly that but because the commencement date of those six Acts was tied to the result of the republic referendum and because the republic referendum failed, the six state Acts had no effect. Since then, some of those state Acts have been repealed. There is nothing in law that would prevent this from happening again even if it were not tied to the outcome of a future federal republic referendum. In other words, we could find ourselves one morning with six state republics without the people ever being consulted!

But a more alarming aspect and potential time bomb is that, and by a similar process, an Act of the federal parliament can be passed at the request or with the concurrence of the six state parliaments to amend the Statute of Westminster 1931.

When the Statute of Westminster 1931 was being drafted additional provisions were inserted in the Statute to safeguard the position of the states of Australia.

In Section 8 of the Statute, it was provided that 'nothing in this Act shall be deemed to confer any power to repeal or alter the Constitution or the Constitution Act of the Commonwealth of Australia otherwise than in accordance with the law existing before the commencement of this Act'.

In 1999, there was an attempt to amend Section 8 of the Statute of Westminster to provide that "Nothing in this section prevents the amendment of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act by omitting the Preamble or by repealing sections 2 to 8. This would have left the Constitution Act of the Commonwealth of Australia containing only Clause 1 (Short Title) and Clause 9 (The Constitution of the Commonwealth).

Because there was no unanimity between the six States the proposal was abandoned.

Section 128 of the Constitution states that 'This Constitution shall not be altered except in the following manner'. That said, one might presume that the procedure for change detailed in Section 128 of the Constitution was the only way that the Constitution could be amended. Additionally, some would claim that while Section 15(1) of The Australia Acts could be used to allow amendment of the Constitution Act of the Commonwealth of Australia, the same provision would not allow for amendment of the Constitution itself!

Now, the Australia Act 1986 (Cwlth) gained its authority from Section 51 (xxxviii) of the Constitution.

This power lets the Commonwealth, in co-operation with the States, do anything for Australia which only the United Kingdom could do at the time of federation.

At the time of Federation, the United Kingdom could have amended the Constitution Act of the Commonwealth (which includes the Constitution) because that Act was an Act of the United Kingdom.

A High Court judgement summarises the effect of s 51 (xxxviii) of the Constitution as it was interpreted in Port MacDonnell Professional Fishermen's Assn Inc v South Australia (1989) 168 CLR 340 thus: 'The effect of s 51 (xxxviii) is to empower the Parliament 'to make laws with respect to the local exercise of any legislative power which, before federation, could not be exercised by the legislatures of the former Australian colonies'. It represents an actual enhancement of the legislative powers of the States because 'it confers, by implication, power upon the Parliament of a State to participate in the legislative process which the paragraph requires, namely request (or concurrence) by a State Parliament and enactment by the Commonwealth Parliament'. There is a potential enhancement of State legislative powers because the Parliaments of the States are the potential recipients of legislative power under a law made pursuant to the paragraph. Any room for an inhibition against giving to the grant in s 51 (xxxviii) its full scope and effect by reason of what was once the status of the Commonwealth itself within the British Empire no longer applies'.

The Australia Act 1986 (UK) is a British statute. It is a fundamental or higher law which prevails over ordinary laws and it cannot be altered by any one Australian legislature acting unilaterally. Its force in Australia now must rest on the authority of the Australian legislatures empowered to alter the Act under S15 of the Act.

This Act has its source in the Statute of Westminster (section 4 of the Statute was then available) and was passed in case the Australia Act 1986 (Cwlth) was found to be invalid.

Because the Australia Act 1986 (UK) is a higher law and because the High Court of Australia has found that 'any room for an inhibition against giving to the grant in s 51 (xxxviii) its full scope and effect by reason of what was once the status of the Commonwealth itself within the British Empire no longer applies' it would seem self-evident that the collective force of the Federal and State Parliaments could amend the Australian Constitution without holding a referendum.

The following quote from the late Richard McGarvie's book "Democracy; choosing Australia's republic" provides a profound summary: 'With the power from the Australia Acts, the Commonwealth Parliament, by Acts supported by the state Parliaments, can amend the Statute of Westminster that precludes it from amending the Commonwealth Constitution, the covering clauses or the preamble'.

Richard McGarvie was a former Supreme Court Judge and Governor of Victoria.

For further information on this subject read Is Our Constitution Safe?

Friday, 17 November 2006

SHOULD AUSTRALIA INTRODUCE A FORMAL CITIZENSHIP TEST?

Unequivocally! 

Only a formal test can accurately measure the understanding of prospective citizens of a country that they intend to become a citizen of.

The attached PDF was a submission to the Citizenship Task Force, Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs: Submission to Citizenship Task Force

Saturday, 28 May 2005

SENATOR BROWN REMAINS SILENT ON THE NSW GREENS DECISION TO VOTE TO CHANGE THE NSW CONSTITUTION WITHOUT A REFERENDUM

NSW Legislative Council member Lee Rhiannon has described the Australian peoples' record on producing affirmative referendum results as being "poor". "Astute" would have been a better word to describe our referendum results as Australians will not support changes that will give elected public servants more powers and/or do not provide tangible benefits to the people themselves!

Ms Rhiannon has also indicated that the Greens support a two-stage process to establish a republic. That includes an initial non-binding plebiscite followed by a consultative process to determine the model for the republic and the method by which the Head of State should be elected.

That said, Ms Rhiannon doesn't believe in any consultative process before changing the NSW Constitution; she believes that most people in NSW would support the change to the Oath of Allegiance despite the fact that she has no tangible and overwhelming evidence to arrive at that conclusion.

Obviously, Ms Rhiannon does not subscribe to Professor Cherryl Saunders' sentiment that "Fundamental rules about the acquisition of power cannot confidently be left to those who presently hold power or who have regular prospects of doing so"!

But not all people think the same way as does Ms Rhiannon.

The Federal Independent Member for New England, Mr Tony Windsor, has now written to the Prime Minister (see attached PDF) asking for his consideration in respect of initiating the process to require States to conduct referendums in relation to such proposals.

Meanwhile, Senator Brown - who leads the Greens - remains abnormally silent on this issue!

Tuesday, 26 April 2005

MEN MAYBE FROM MARS AND WOMEN MAYBE FROM VENUS BUT IS DR MEREDITH BURGMANN FROM PLANET EARTH?

In recent correspondence (see details at bottom of page), one of New South Wales' senior elected public servants, Dr Meredith Burgmann, who holds down the important position of President of the NSW Legislative Council asserts that members of the NSW Parliament currently pledge loyalty to the English Queen!

Such an assertion is simply fallacious. Some points of law follow:

• Since the enactment of the Royal Styles and Titles Act 1953, Elizabeth II has been "Queen of Australia". The Royal Style and Titles Act 1973 confirmed this arrangement; all this revision to the Royal Styles and Titles did was to delete reference to the "United Kingdom" and "Defender of the Faith".

• Additionally, the 1988 Constitutional Commission, partly authored by the Hon E G Whitlam AC QC, found inter alia that: "The disappearance of the British Empire has therefore meant that the Queen is now sovereign of a number of separate countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Papua New Guinea, amongst others. As the Queen of Australia she holds an entirely distinct and different position from that which she holds as Queen of the United Kingdom or Canada. The separation of these 'Crowns' is underlined by the comments of Gibbs CJ in "Pochi v Macphee" that 'The Allegiance which Australians owe to Her Majesty is owed not as British subjects but as subjects of the Queen of Australia'.

• In 1999, the High Court, in the Sue V Hill case, confirmed that the Queen of Australia does not act as a foreign Queen. One of the main arguments that was raised by Heather Hill was that the Queen of Australia is the same person as the Queen of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland. Therefore swearing allegiance to the Queen of Australia was the same as swearing allegiance to the Queen of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland. This argument was rejected by the Court on the basis that whilst physically it is the same person (Queen Elizabeth II) they are "independent and distinct" legal personalities. This notion is known as the divisibility of the Crown which Justice Gaudron found to be "implicit in the Constitution."


Clearly, members of the NSW Parliament currently swear an oath of allegiance to the Queen of Australia and not to the English Queen as asserted by Dr Burgmann. It is disappointing that Dr Burgmann, who is highly academically qualified and who holds a position of high importance and responsibility, does not fully understand the entire bandwidth of Australia's constitutional nuances, arrangements and law.

--------Copy of Letter from Dr Burgmann is detailed below:


THE HON. DR MEREDITH BURGMANN PRESIDENT OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL


Nick Hobson DFC AFC
PO Box A2027
Sydney South NSW 1235
21st April 2005


Dear Mr Hobson


RE: CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT (PLEGE OF LOYALTY) BILL 2004


Your arguments are very forceful but I believe that democracy is protected by the fact that our votes are open and transparent. People can vote against us if they believe that we should still be pledging loyalty to the English Queen.


Thank you for your correspondence.


Yours sincerely,


Meredith Burgmann
Parliament House
Macquarie Street
Sydney NSW 2000
Australia 

Friday, 22 April 2005

CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT (PLEDGE OF LOYALTY) BILL 2004 (NSW)

Next month, the New South Wales (NSW) Legislative Council will be considering a Bill that amends the NSW Constitution. This Bill, if passed, would require Members of the NSW Parliament and NSW Ministers to take a pledge of loyalty to Australia and the people of NSW instead of swearing allegiance to the Queen of Australia. A similar Bill is underway in Western Australia.


The ever increasing willingness for most State Parliaments to amend their Constitutions without reference to the people is anachronistic in modern Australia. State Constitutions should only be changed by referendum by the people of a State!


That said, there are other issues. For example, the late Richard McGarvie in his book "DEMOCRACY choosing Australia's republic" stated:


With the power from the Australia Acts, the Commonwealth Parliament, by Acts supported by the State Parliaments, can amend the provision in the Statute of Westminster that precludes it from amending the Commonwealth Constitution, the covering clauses or the preamble. Further reading on this issue can be viewed here.

Clearly, the Commonwealth Parliament should use its power under Section 15(3) of the Australia Acts to either remove the obnoxious Section 15(1) of the Australia Acts or amend it to require a referendum in each State.


To further enhance Australia's collective democracies, Section 106 of the Australian Constitution should also be amended to require that State Constitutions only be changed by State referenda. Further reading on this issue can be viewed here.

A letter relating to the NSW Constitution Amendment (Pledge of Loyalty) Bill 2004 which has been delivered to each of the Members of the NSW Legislative Council yesterday is shown below for your information:


In May 2005, yourself and other members of the NSW Legislative Council will consider the abovementioned bill to amend the NSW Constitution. This Bill, if passed, would require Members of Parliament and Ministers to take a pledge of loyalty to Australia and the people of NSW instead of swearing allegiance to the Queen of Australia.


A similar change to the Australian constitution would require a referendum; in other words, the people of NSW do not enjoy total sovereignty over their parliament as do the people of Australia federally. Accordingly, the NSW Constitution is light years behind the Australian Constitution in terms of "democracy for the people by the people"!


Until the introduction of the Australia Acts (1986), all laws in NSW weresubject to theUnited Kingdom's Colonial Laws Validity Act 1865. The Colonial Laws Validity Act 1865 constrained the NSW parliament in its ability to amend the NSW constitution. However, since the introduction of the Australia Acts, much of the NSW Constitution can now be changed without a referendum or without external constraint. Additionally, section 106 of the Australian Constitution provides no further protection for the State Constitutions other than confirming that they remain unaltered until changed in accordance with the Constitution of the State! In the Sydney Morning Herald of 19 January 2001, Professor Cheryl Saunders in her article "Updating Our Democracy" stated:

  • Fundamental rules about the acquisition of power cannot confidently be left to those who presently hold power or who have regular prospects of doing so.
Clearly, changing a constitution without a referendum does not conform which such sentiment.


That said, and whether or not the Council chooses to approve the Bill in its current form is dependent on whether or not Council members believe they are above the sovereignty of the people of NSW. Alternatively, if the Council votes to approve the Bill with an amendment to require a referendum to let the NSW people also have their say on this issue then democracy in NSW will be considerably enhanced. Such action would also allow for the Legislative Assembly to either abandon the Bill or allow for the procedure at section 5B of the NSW Constitution to systematically take place.


Accordingly, I commend to all members of the Council to add an amendment to require a referendum should they choose to approve the changes provided for in the Bill so that the people of NSW can also have their democratic say. If not, what other parts of the NSW Constitution will be changed in the future without the will of the people of NSW?